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Title:

Cultural Effects on Employee Loyalty in Japan and The U. S.: Individual- or Organization-Level?An Analysis of Plant and Employee Survey Data from the 80’s

Author:Lincoln, James R., University of California, Berkeley Doerr, Bernadette , University of California, Berkeley

Publication Date:

01-04-2012

Series:Working Paper Series

Publication Info:

Working Paper Series, Institute for Research on Labor and Employment, UC Berkeley Permalink:https://www.sodocs.net/doc/a514441946.html,/uc/item/8sc9k91b

Keywords:

Employee Loyalty, Japan, United States

Abstract:

This paper uses 1980’s survey data on large samples of American and Japanese factories and their employees to examine how organization (factory) cultures then differed between Japan and the U. S. and how they affected employee loyalty – intention to leave or stay. Central to the analysis is the idea, taken from Blau’s seminal 1962 paper, that cultural effects may operate at the individual-level through the values, beliefs, and norms employees accept and “internalize” but also at the group- (including organization-) level through the mechanism of social pressure aimed at inducing conformity. Following Benedict’s classic attribution of a “shame” culture to Japan and “guilt” culture to the U. S., we predict and find that cultural dimensions pertaining to company paternalism/familism and group work shape employee loyalty chiefly at the organization-level in Japan and chiefly at the individual-level in the U. S. This conclusion is qualified, however, by the finding that in both countries the “strength” (within-plant variance) of the culture conditions the size of the cultural effects. They are larger when the culture is stronger. Apart from question of the level at which cultural effects operate, we find, consistent with most expectations, that Japanese employees are more loyal (that is, less inclined to quit) in the presence of organization cultures favoring paternalism/familism, groupism, and vertical cohesion (close/frequent supervision). The reverse is in general true of the American employees.

CULTURAL EFFECTS ON EMPLOYEE LOYALTY IN JAPAN AND THE U. S.: INDIVIDUAL- OR ORGANIZATION-LEVEL?

An Analysis of Plant and Employee Survey Data from the 80’s

James R. Lincoln

(lincoln@https://www.sodocs.net/doc/a514441946.html,)

Bernadette Doerr

(bernadette.doerr@https://www.sodocs.net/doc/a514441946.html,)

Walter A. Haas School of Business

University of California, Berkeley

January, 2012

CULTURAL EFFECTS ON EMPLOYEE LOYALTY IN JAPAN AND THE U. S.:

INDIVIDUAL- OR ORGANIZATION-LEVEL?

An Analysis of Plant and Employee Survey Data from the 80’s

ABSTRACT

paternalism/familism,groupism,and vertical cohesion(close/frequent supervision).The reverse is in general true of the American employees.

INTRODUCTION

Culture–values,beliefs,norms—that emerge spontaneously within a group or community and ideologies—similar forms but consciously devised by one group or stratum for the purpose of influencing the thinking and actions of others—shape the attitudes and behaviors of individuals within those groups and communities in two ways. First, individuals accept as their own, presumably through a socialization and identification process (which may be anticipatory of actual entry or selection into the group), the cultural content of the group. This process of individual acceptance and internalization of cultural elements can come about through two broad mechanisms.One is a micro-process,operating on individuals. It subsumes the following: (1) the individual is deterministically socialized by the group; (2) the individual self-selects into a group whose cultural patterns are akin to those s/he had previously embraced; (3) the individual interactively has a hand in creating the group via the ties s/he develops with others and to whom, in turn, s/he passes on his or her values and beliefs. Through each of the above channels, the individual comes to internalize and thus personally accept and identify with the culture/ideology, consciously or not, and consequently thinks, feels, and acts on it.

The second distinct mechanism through which cultures/ideologies condition individuals’ attitudes and behavior is of a very different sort. There is no presumption here that the focal person has internalized the culture of the group– woven it into his or her sense

of self. Rather, the “cultural effect” comes from the pressures to which s/he is subjected from those members who have so internalized it to act or comport him/herself in ways consistent with it. The canonical example in the sociology literature of such an effect appears in Durkheim’s classic study of suicide(Durkheim,1966).For reasons having to do with doctrines of sin but also with individual choice his data showed Protestants killing themselves more frequently than individual Catholics. But Protestants residing in predominantly Catholic countries were less inclined to suicide than were their counterparts in predominantly Protestant countries. Such pressures from others to conform with cultural patterns to which the individual did not personally subscribe or accept is the primary and most obvious ways in which culture can be said to have an existence that is outside or separate from the values, beliefs, and sentiments of individual persons.

An early paper by Peter Blau (1962) was the first to address the problem in and apply Durkheim’s methods to a formal organizational setting. Blau observed that the behavior of case workers in an employment agency varied both with their own individual values and beliefs regarding the treatment of clients— some more pro-client, others leaning pro-agency (in terms of minimizing costs, expediting throughput, etc.) but also with the representation of such values and beliefs among their coworkers.Blau reported on a number of distinct configurations of such group- and individual-level orientations. In some, the client orientation of the group supplemented or augmented the orientation of the caseworker. In others, the two

effects shifted behavior in opposite directions.

Blau labeled the phenomenon he observed a “structural effect,” although his only conceptualization and measurement of“structure”was the attachment of the individual caseworker to his or her professional colleagues within the agency.“Cultural effect”is arguably a better label for what he observed, as both his theory and his data spoke to how the values,beliefs,and norms of groups—in Blau’s research human service agencies—conditioned the behavior of their members. Of course, as noted above, the influences of culture on individuals’actions and orientations may operate through individual-level mechanisms such as the socialization and selection and creation or institutionalization processes noted above. Indeed, most contemporary research and theorizing on organizational culture by social psychologists focus on the internalization of and thus sharing by a set of individuals of cultural contents. What was structural in the effects analyzed by Blau was not the cultural or ideological content but the mechanism—peer pressure or peer pressure or social influence—that seemed to modify behaviors directly without being mediated by individuals’ hearts and minds.

Blau’s “structural effects” are known in the sociological and education literatures as “contextual’ or “compositional” effects but they are also referred to, particularly in a recent and influential stream of modeling, as “exogenous social effects” (Manski, 1993). By contrast, an “endogenous social effect,” also termed a “contagion effect,” concerns the much

less empirically tractable influence on an individual’s behavior of the distribution (typically average) of that same behavior in a group of which that individual is a member or, more broadly, a network of others to which s/he is tied.

Beginning with the “Coleman report” in the 1960’s on educational opportunity in the U. S. (Coleman et al., 1966), a very large number of studies by sociologists, educational psychologists, and economists have investigated endogenous as well as exogenous effects of schools,classes, and grades on student academic achievement. Another sizable body of multidisciplinary work examines neighborhood and peer group effects on crime and poverty (Quigley and Raphael, 2008). An important stream of organizational research, most of it framed by neo-institutional theory,examines contagion as the mechanism whereby an innovative organizational form or practice diffuses through an organizational population, field, or network (Burt, 1987; Davis, 1991).1 Most recently a series of high-profile studies by 1 The difference between “group” effects of the sort Blau studied and “network” effects of the sort Burt, Davis, and Christakis and Fowler have studied is really a small one both conceptually and in terms of the modeling involved (Erbring and Young, 1979; Friedkin, 1990). The usual exogenous/endogenous “group effects” model relating an individual-level response variable to the group averages of one or more individual-level explanatory variables is in fact a special case of the more general “network effect” models wherein the matrix mapping ego’s ties to alters contains blocks of cells that are all “1” (in the group) or all “0” (out of the group). The network effects model allows for each ego to be tied to his/her own “group” (ego network) (Friedkin, 1990).

public health scholars have examined social contagion effects on obesity, divorce, smoking, even mental/emotional states such as happiness. All these streams of research address important, interesting, and intuitively compelling issues in how people and organizations influence one another and all, particularly in recent years, have come in for a great deal of tough methodological criticism (for a sampling see, e.g., Manski, 1993; Moffitt, 2001; Shalizi and Thomas, 2011; VanderWeele, 2011).

Despite the large cross-disciplinary literature addressed in general to exogenous and endogenous social effects in a variety of problem areas, since Blau’s canonical piece there has been next to no subsequent research on the specific problem that interested him: how the distribution of values, norms, and beliefs among a set of persons might through group and network mechanisms condition and channel those persons’ attitudes and behaviors (for an exception that uses the contextual effects modeling apparatus of the time see Lincoln and Zeitz, 1980). Yet the question that concerned Blau is still a very timely and important one for student of organizational behavior: the extent to which the culture of a group, network, organization, even community or society determines the attitudes and behaviors its members through a process of social influence or pressure to conform as opposed to a process (emphasized in most of the organizational culture literature to date) of individuals through socialization coming to share the culture of the group by psychologically internalizing it and

identifying with it as their own individual system of values and beliefs.2 This is the focus of the present study.

The present study: cultural effects in Japanese and U. S. factories in the 80’s

We study cultural effects as contextual effects using a unique data set collected in the 1980’s on over 100 Japanese and U. S. manufacturing plants and representative samples of their employees.The role played by culture in forming the attitudes and behaviors of individuals takes on multiple overlapping dimensions in a study of how American and Japanese factory employees are motivated by the cultures and social structures of their countries, the cultures, structures, and compositions of their companies, and the jobs, ranks, training levels and types,and demographics that that differentiate them within those companies.

One of the earliest and most famous characterizations of how the motivational

2 A sizable number of recent studies, sometimes using laboratory and simulation techniques, have examined the related question of how whereby cultures emerge and take shape in organizations as a function of their members’ composition and networks.(Carroll and Harrison, 1998; Berger and Luckman, 1966; Frank and Fahrbach, 1999; Carley and Hill, 2001; Krackhardt and Kilduff; 2002; Lincoln and Guillot, 2006). However, because of their conceptual and technical complexity and their attention to dynamics these models are of relative limited utility as guides to the nonexperimental and often cross-sectional empirical research that comprises the bulk of the social effects literature.

constraints and drivers (see Vaisey, 2009) of culture diverge between Japan and the West culture is Ruth Benedict’s (1946) classic distinction between “guilt” and “shame” cultures. For Benedict,drawing heavily as did sociologist Parsons on the fashionable Freudian thinking of the time, socialization infuses into Westerners hearts and minds ethical/normative codes, such that people feel pangs of conscience–guilt–when they stray from the directions of their moral compasses. In Japanese ‘shame’ culture, by contrast, behavior is guided, less by the normative programming acquired through the nurture, upbringing, conditioning, etc., more by how others react when it fails to meet (or perhaps exceeds) their expectaions. Blau’s structural effects article did not take up the question of cross-national differences, but he framed the problem for his study with a very similar distinction:

“The common values and norms in a group have two distinct kinds of effect

upon the conduct of its members.Ego's conduct is influenced by his own

normative orientation for fear of his conscience,and ego's conduct is also

influenced by alters' normative orientation for fear of social sanctions. In other

words,people conform to prevailing norms partly because they would feel

guilty if they did not and partly because they gain social approval and avoid

disapproval by doing so.”

Thus, for Blau, the client- versus bureaucratic- orientations of professional staff in an American social services agency might be influence either through an individual-level

mechanism (“guilt’), a group-level mechanism (“shame;” i.e., social pressure and sanctions) approval), or—as some his findings testified—some interaction of the two. Yet for Benedict and later generations of cross cultural social psychologists (Markus and Kitayama, 1991), the individual-level “guilt” mechanism whereby cultural values and beliefs bear on individual attitudes and behavior operate is more prevalent in the Anglo-American West, whereas the group-level “shame“ mechanism predominates in Japan.

A seeming weakness in the Benedict’s attribution of the “shame” mechanism to Japan is that it is not obvious how a shame culture can come about unless some sizable number of persons has internalized and thus genuinely feels and “believes in” the cultural codes they seek to impose on others. Benedict’s theory attributes to Japan a sociologically interesting pattern in which no one feels in his/her heart of hearts that a course of action is the right one but in sensing that it is the normatively correct one they participate willingly in efforts to pressure and sanction nonconformists.3“Group think” comes to mind, amusingly

3 An interesting experimental design study by Willer, Kuwabara, and Mach (2009) addresses the question of why people will sanction offers to who deviate from norms that they themselves do not subscribe to. Note that the “social effects” phenomenon they and we study is the logical opposite of the collective action problem analyzed by Olson (1965) and other micro-economists: group efforts generally collapse because individuals defect to pursue their individual self-interests.

illustrated at the extreme by the ‘Abilene paradox,’ whence a Texas family wastes a Sunday driving to and from the town of Abilene, not one of them wanting to go but each deferring to the erroneously perceived preferences of the others.

Our approach to identifying and disentangling individual and aggregate(group-level) cultural effects of these sorts follows Blau’s seminal analysis, suitably updated to reflect as best we can the current state of the art in social effects modeling. We first select items from our survey that appear to tap a generally acknowledged normative and value dimensions on which Japanese and Americans, workers in particular, have been argued to differ and might also be expected to vary with the organizational cultures of their employing manufacturing plants. We then ask whether such normative and value items relate to the employee’s loyalty to the employer—specifically, his or her intent to look for another job in the next year or remain with the firm. The “lifetime commitment” model around which the Japanese employment system was tightly organized in the80’s was one of reciprocal commitments. It changed with the significant economic and political change ushered in by the bubble economy and the ensuring“lost decade”of stagnation and recession).The employer guaranteed the regular employee a job until a relatively early retirement and the employee reciprocated with loyalty,commitment,and cooperation.Temporary contract employees enjoyed no such guarantees and provided the firm with a flexible workforce buffer that could be raised or lower flexibly.

We have chosen cultural variables that we believe from past research are indicative of rather deep-rooted Japan- U. S. differences in employment and work organization culture and, in addition, vary from firm to firm (or plant to plant) within the respective countries. At least since James Abegglen’s classic work, the Japanese Factory, Japanese workplace and employment culture has been seen as distinctive from those Western—in particular, Anglo-American counterparts in the following ways.

1. Corporate paternalism/familism: the company is expected to look after the employee

and his/her family, providing secure employment and regular career advancement with salaries rising at life cycle junctures such as marriage, child birth, college. The company offers many welfare benefits and services.

2.Groupism. Employees are organized in and strongly oriented to work groups, both

production teams and off-line problem solving teams such as quality circles. In addition, work units such as ka or sections are highly cohesive, members doing much after-hours socializing with one another.

3. Vertical cohesion. In the spirit of paternalism, supervisors are expected care and look

out for subordinates, mentor them, counsel them in their personal affairs, attend family events such as weddings and childbirth.4 As we shall see from the data analysis, “close 4 A cogent treatment of the centrality of vertical cohesion or integration in Japanese social structure can be found in cultural anthropologist Chie Nakane’s important 1967 book, Tate shakai no ningen kankei (Human Relations in a Vertical Society).

supervision” in the Japanese work setting has a quite different meaning from that which it has in the U. S.

By contrast, the somewhat stereotypical portrayal of American workers and firms, particularly in the early 80’s when these data were collected, is at the opposite end of these same dimensions. The relationship between employee and company was relatively arms-length and contractual: 40 hours of work a week for a wage and benefits. After hours and on weekends the employee went home to his or her family. The Japanese traditions of jumping jacks and chanting to prep for the workday; after-hours drinking parties with coworkers; even crowding on to tour buses sans families to spend a weekend at a hot springs resort—all were hard to imagine from an American standpoint. In addition, U. S. workers were skeptical of Japanese-style small group activities such as self-managing teams and quality circles and generally preferred supervisors who kept their distance-- didn’t breathe down workers’ necks.

Scholarly and journalistic accounts of Japanese worklife often that, given the tight-knit structuring of the Japanese firm and the high dependence of employees upon it, these aspects of factory culture were not so much embraced by and subscribed to by individuals but were rather experienced as external (if informal) norms with which employees had little choice but to comply (see Rohlen’s, 1974, ethnographic account of the all-encompassing conformity-inducing “ideology” at Ueadagin, a Japanese bank). That does not mean it was

resisted or ridiculed in the way Gideon Kunda (1992) describes employees of American “Tech Corporation”doing,bombarded endlessly by upbeat and gung-ho management propaganda regarding the wonders of “Tech culture.” American-style cynicism and passive resistance in the face of blatant management attempts to control employees’ hearts and minds were not the Japanese way. More importantly, however much it may have been experienced as external pressure rather than deeply-held shared values, Japanese corporate culture was rarely viewed even from the bottom of the company as manipulative ideology contrived by corporate HR staffs to brainwash workers into submission.

We propose the following three hypotheses on how the substance and the form of cultural effects differed between Japanese and U. S. factories in the 80’s:

Hypothesis 1:

In Japanese factories but not in US factories,the Japanese-style workplace culture patterns of company familism/paternalism, groupism, and supervisor-subordinate cohesion increase employee loyalty (reduce the propensity to leave).

Hypothesis 2:

In Japanese factories these culture effects operate primarily at the group level(the “shame” hypothesis).In the U. S. they operate primarily at the individual level(the “guilt” hypothesis).

Hypothesis 3:

In both countries, these culture effects are conditioned on (moderated by) the strength of the culture; i.e., they are increased when the culture is widely shared, decreased when it is not.

Culture strength as moderator of cultural effects

The arguments behind Hypotheses 1 and 2 have been laid out in preceding sections. The A second, more general perspective on the problem of fixing the level of the cultural effect is the following. We should expect any group-level (contextual) effect of the three workplace culture dimensions to be enhanced the greater the “strength” of the culture within the group. Where there is little consensus as to norms, values, and beliefs the cultural group-level effect should be attenuated. Pressures to conform to the preferences and expectations of others will be diminished to the degree that those others do not present a united front.5 (The cultural effect at the individual level may also be diminished, although this is a more tenuous proposition. Where a culture is “strong”, socialization will presumably be more intensive and individuals are therefore more likely to internalize the culture and act on it).

The hypothesis that the strength of the culture of the group will enhance the

5 In famous 1950’s Solomon Asch conformity studies, the presence of just one confederate deviating from the consensus(false)view sharply reduced the tendency for subjects to conform to it. See: https://www.sodocs.net/doc/a514441946.html,/wiki/Asch_conformity_experiments.

(especially the group-level)) cultural effects will, however, depend on the designation of the reference group. It need not be the organization (here, factory) as a whole. It might be that an intra-organizational collectivity such as production unit or managerial stratum is the reference group and thus the locus of the culture from which conformity pressures and sanctions flow. If the reference group is upper management,for example,cultural heterogeneity of the factory because the values of management differ from those of workers should matter less for the magnitude of cultural effects than were the reference group the factory as a whole, its production departments, or the stratum of direct workers. In this scenario—a realistic one in many work organizations—employees are chiefly attuned to what management values, believes, and expects and are less attuned to the cultural orientations of their occupational peers or work unit.

The “reference group” for present purposes is that set of alters to whom ego is tied and whose behaviors and attributes (including beliefs and values) are thought through the media of those ties to influence the behavior of others. As noted above, the reference group in the usual contextual effects model is a special case of the more general network effects model

(Friedkin, 1990; Manski, 1993).6In the former model, the presence of a tie is defined by membership in the group. Thus, every member is directly and symmetrically “tied” to every other. In the more general network effects model, the ties may be more variable such that every ego is tied to a different set of alters; those ties vary in “strength,” multiplexity, symmetry, etc.; and the alters may or may not be directly tied to one another

MODELS AND METHODS

Problems in the specification and identification of social effects models

As we have noted, correct identification and estimation of social effects models present a number of challenges, and much methodological criticism has been directed at the studies in which such models appear. First and foremost is the problem of selection bias. It looms large in the school effects and neighborhood effects research in which these models figure prominently. Families sort themselves into neighborhoods and school districts based in part on the success, behavior, values, and other attributes of the populations already there. A

6 The general network effects model incorporating both exogenous and endogenous network effects is written as:: Y ij = ρΣj w ij Y j + ΣkγkΣj w ij X kj + Σk X ijk + εij ,where w ij is the probability or strength of i’s tie to j (Friedkin, 1990; Manski, 1993). In model (c) of Figure 1, j w ij Y j becomes and Σj w ij X j becomes as the “ties” in {w ij} then represent membership or nonmembership in “groups.”

(完整版)外文翻译：中小型企业员工激励机制研究

The employee’s incentives mechanism in small and medium-sized enterprise Author：Barney J B Abstract："Incentive" is a psychological term, psychologists point out that all behavior is caused by the motivation of associated with it, as one of the person's state of mind, this motive for human behavior has the effect of reinforcement, vertebral move and inspire, known as a motivation. Incentive is mainly to inspire people to inner potential, cause people intelligence, mobilize people's enthusiasm and creativity. In this paper, the construction of small and medium-sized enterprise employees incentive mechanism problem. From the use of different ideas, different angles, for enterprise employees incentive. Staff incentive mechanism is through the system, rational system to reflect the interaction between incentive subjects with incentive object, is the enterprise connect the ideal into reality. Small business managers should learn effective research method for reference, targeted to solve their practical problems, and strive for a breakthrough in terms of theory. In the research and construction of small and medium-sized enterprise incentive mechanism on the road to constantly innovation, divergent thinking, from surface to inside, and realize the goal of research. And summarizes a set of suitable for small and medium-sized enterprises for effective incentive mechanism, to promote the vigorous development of small and medium-sized enterprises. Keywords: small and medium-sized enterprises, incentive mechanism, staff requirements Introduction In the increasingly fierce competition, more and more small and medium-sized enterprises begin to realize enterprise's competition is talented person's competition,actually only attach importance to talents,

员工激励外文文献Word版

1. 原则之一：激励要因人而异由于不同员工的需求不同，所以，相同的激励政策起到的激励效果也会不尽相同。即便是同一位员工，在不同的时间或环境下，也会有不同的需求。由于激励取决于内因，是员工的主观感受，所以，激励要因人而异。在制定和实施激励政策时，首先要调查清楚每个员工真正需要的是什么。将这些需要整理、归类，然后来制定相应的激励政策帮助员工满足这些需求。 2. 原则之二：奖励适度奖励和惩罚不适度都会影响激励效果，同时增加激励成本。奖励过重会使员工产生骄傲和满足的情绪，失去进一步提高自己的欲望；奖励过轻会起不到激励效果，或者使员工产生不被重视的感觉。惩罚过重会让员工感到不公，或者失去对公司的认同，甚至产生怠工或破坏的情绪；惩罚过轻会让员工轻视错误的严重性，从而可能还会犯同样的错误。 3. 原则之三：公平性公平性是员工管理中一个很重要的原则，员工感到的任何不公的待遇都会影响他的工作效率和工作情绪，并且影响激励效果。取得同等成绩的员工，一定要获得同等层次的奖励；同理，犯同等错误的员工，也应受到同等层次的处罚。如果做不到这一点，管理者宁可不奖励或者不处罚。管理者在处理员工问题时，一定要有一种公平的心态，不应有任何的偏见和喜好。虽然某些员工可能让你喜欢，有些你不太喜欢，但在工作中，一定要一视同仁，不能有任何不公的言语和行为。 1. 激励员工从结果均等转移到机会均等，并努力创造公平竞争环境。举例来说，吴士宏在IBM从一个打扫卫生的人做起，一步一步到销售业务员，到地区负责人，到中国区总经理，是什么原因呢？除了个人努力，还应该说 IBM良好的企业文化给了一个发展的舞台，那就是每一个人都有无限的发展机会，只要有能力就会有发展的空间，实现自我，这在很多企业是做不到的，这种体制无疑会给员工莫大的激励作用。 2. 激励要把握最佳时机。 ——需在目标任务下达前激励的，要提前激励。 ——员工遇到困难，有强烈要求愿望时，给予关怀，及时激励。 3. 激励要公平准确、奖罚分明 ——健全、完善绩效考核制度，做到考核尺度相宜、公平合理。 ——克服有亲有疏的人情风。 ——在提薪、晋级、评奖、评优等涉及员工切身利益热点问题上务求做到公平。 4. 推行职工持股计划。

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设施规划引言设施规划在过去的十年间已经被赋予了全新的意义。在过去，设施规划一般被认为是一门科学。而在当今竞争激烈的全球市场，设施规划成为了一种策略。政府、教育机构和企业已经不再单独相互竞争，现在这些实体或企业将彼此联合为合作企业、组织协会，并最终合成为供应链，将客户纳入到整个供应链过程以保持竞争力。这些年来设施规划问题一直是一个热门话题。尽管它已拥有很悠久的历史，但在目前的出版物、会议以及研究中，设施规划仍是最受欢迎的科目之一。设施规划的处理已经从清单式或者菜单式的方法发展到了高度复杂的数学建模。在本文中，我们使用了一个实用的设施规划方法，其利用了实证以及同时包含传统和现代概念的分析方法。值得提及的是，在本文中拥有很广泛的设施规划应用示例。例如，这本书的内容可以适用于一个新医院,一个装配部门,一个已有的仓库,或者一个机场的行李部的规划。无论问题是发生在医院、生产工厂、配送中心、机场、零售商店、学校、银行、还是办公室或者这些设施的任何部分；无论是在一个发达国家的现代化设施还是在一个发展中国家的过时设施中，本文给出的材料在进行规划时都非常有用。重要的是要认识到现代设施规划中将设施当作是一个动态的实体，一个成功的设施规划方案的关键因素是其适应性以及适合全新应用的能力。设施规划的定义当今的设施规划必须能够帮助组织实现供应链的优越性。实现供应链的优越性是一个有六个步骤、或者说六个等级的过程。一如既往，这些步骤与优越性、可见性、协同性、综合性、敏捷性等联系在一起。当一家公司最大化供应链的各个功能（采购-制造-运输-储存-销售），个体部门（如金融、市场营销、销售、采购、信息技术、研发、生产、分配和人力资源等部门）的目标就是要成为公司最好的部门。组织的有效性不是重点，每个组

员工激励对员工绩效的影响外文文献翻译

文献出处：Shahzadi I, Javed A, Pirzada S, et al. Impact of Employee Motivation on Employee Performance [J]. European Journal of Business and Management, 2014, 6(23): 159-166. 原文 Impact of Employee Motivation on Employee Performance (A Case Study of Private firms: Multan District, Pakistan) Muhammad Nadeem, Naveed Ahmad, Muhammad Abdullah, Naqvi Hamad Abstract This article is based on the private firms which working in Multan city, Pakistan. In this article all we studied and analyzed all aspects of the employee motivation importance especially in private firms. In Pakistan many employees who are working in private firm (especially in Multan) facing motivational problem. But many private firms working for the employee motivation and encouraging the employees. In this we also mentioned major factors which can help the firms to achieve employee motivation. We also observed employee motivation is so important for the employee’s performance and efficiency and for the private firm’s success. A questionnaire was developed for estimating effect of employee motivation on firm’s performance. Data was collected through convenience sampling method. Our sampled people include both, managers and non managers of private firms in Multan city. This research study will contribute into existing literature through indicating the importance of employee motivation on performance. Keywords: private firms; Multan; motivational problem; employee motivation 1. INTRODUCTION Each firm desires to achieve success and has need to urge continuous growth. This era is extremely aggressive and firms not with standing volume and promote focus face worker difficulties. To beat the chains robust, optimistic association ought

外文翻译---顾客满意——一种全新的质量观

附录 Customer Satisfaction---- One kind of brand-new quality view by xi chang yang Since long ago, the people all merely treat as the quality question a technical question, speaks of the improvement quality on merely to consider from the technical angle.Along with knowledge economy development and productive forces unceasing enhancement, the people already developed to the product demand from the sole technical nature to the technical efficiency and expand to the spiritual domain, moreover satisfies the proportion which the spiritual demand the product or the product characteristic occupies greatly to surpass satisfies the proportion which the physiological demand occupies. At the same time, is day by day rich along with the material life, more and more from organizes the quality center of gravity and the determination power a side to shift to the customer hand in, the customer satisfied already becomes the appraisal product quality quality the only standard.This caused the quality idea to have the very big change----from examination quality view to tallying quality view, finally formed has satisfied take the customer as the core brand-new quality idea. Customer Satisfaction Who is a customer? The customer is "the receive product organization or individual". Based on ISO9000: 2,000 standards concerned customers define explanation that, The customer may be organizes the interior is the internal customer, also may be exterior the organization namely the external customer. As for the organization interior, "the next working procedure" is "on a working procedure" customer. Therefore, a organization to the customer the understanding should be generalized, cannot merely understand for organizes the product "the customer". At the same time, "supplies the chain" based on the product, the customer may divide into the middle customer and the final customer, the realistic customer and the potential customer, to customer thin, classification and research, is advantageous carries on the different way to us in view of the different customer demand stimulating with the guidance, thus makes the customer to be pleased, achieves organization's goal. Customer satisfaction is "the customer to its request already the degree feeling which satisfied",is the people in has accepted the product or the service including its carried the information after stimulating, makes one kind of firmly psychological condition, is the people to the product one kind of subjective comprehensive appraisal.This meant that, whether the customer does satisfy is decided by its receive product and the information the way and the degree which stimulate to it, when this kind stimulates has satisfied customer's request (including clear instructions or latent demand), can to the customer form is stimulating, thus causes the customer satisfiedly, moreover this kind stimulates the regulation goes past the deep customer to be more satisfied, otherwise, can form to the customer negative stimulates, can make the